Social Movements: women's movements
It is well recognized that women are victim of many domestic crime since ancient time. To tackle such situation and enhance the position of women, numerous woman movements were started. It is said that women's movements are among the most important crusade of modern social movements. Historical records indicated that since nineteenth-century, Canadian women's suffrage campaigns to recent direct actions for sustainable development in India, wherever women's movements have been established, national organizations and local grassroots groups have worked together to support women and girls. Diverse, even conflicting, compassions of women's interests rise from differences in gender, race, class, cultural, religion, and sexuality, as well as from global divisions of wealth and power. However, the rifeness of oppression against women has resulted in formation of international women's movements with common agendas, linked to struggles for sovereignty, democracy, and secure livelihoods around the world.
To honour woman, March 8th is celebrated around the world. It is considered as a historical day, an icon of the struggle waged against mistreatment and oppression by women all over the world, for over a century. It is a day to express and demonstrate collective strength and to renew struggle of women for equality and justice.
When apprising the ideologies of women movements, it is specified that within the women's movement, there have been different understandings of patriarchal oppression and its outcomes and, therefore, also varied strategies to combat it. Some organizations have small intellectual groups while there have been some that have had mass support. Some have emerged in support of certain causes or for the purpose of a focused campaign, while there are some groups that have existed for years with evolving agendas. The principles vary from radical, liberal, socialist, Marxist and Gandhian, to the new fundamentalist.
It is documented in many studies that the women's movement has a long history in India. Much longer than the current 'second wave' movement, or even the 'first wave' of earlier this century. The Shakti cults go back centuries, and the concept of Shakti, the female power principle was recognized thousands of years ago. In this form, the women's movement signifies, not merely an oppositional force powered by anger, a rather negative reaction to oppression, but the development of a distinctive female culture, a positive creative force inspiring men and women alike (Liddle et al. 1986). The changes or rather the transitions that have occurred within the women's movement in India have not followed a chronological or linear pattern, but have at all stages involved a collage of influences, local, national and international.
The goals and structures of women's movements reveal the commonalities as well as the differences among women. For example, feminist movements tend to be related with the aspirations, and the opportunities, of middle-class women. Feminist movements include women's rights movements focusing on the goals of equal rights under the law and equal access to education, careers, and political power; women's liberation movements that challenge cultural patterns of male dominance in the family and personal life through strategies that raise the awareness of women of their own subjugation, often within the context of women-only groups. Black feminist movements address racism along with sexism; and socialist feminist movements look women's empowerment as tied to the role of government, labour, and civil society in safeguarding the rights of all citizens to equity and social security. The campaigners in feminine movements tend to be working-class women organizing to address problems of poverty and sexism and their overwhelming effects on the health and wellbeing of their families. Womanist, a term invented by the writer Alice Walker, refers to the confidence, strength, and wisdom of African-American women based in their cultures and long struggle to support their children and communities and to end racism and all forms of prejudice.
Religiously diverse, multilingual, and caste-divided India also has one of the most vibrant and many-stranded women's movements in the world. One of their primacies is challenging patriarchal religious practices, while at the same time respecting religious differences. Another is lessening the poverty and insecurity of women and their families.
It is found in reports that the women's upliftment period began in the late nineteenth century, first among elite Hindu men and women and, later, Muslims. Besides stressing education, they called for reform of the practices of widow remarriage, polygamy, purdah (the veiling and seclusion of women), property rights, and sati (the ritual suicide of widows). To curb these sinful acts made by society's traditional leaders or heads, Women established their own autonomous organizations, the most important of which was the All India Women's Conference (AIWC) in 1927. In 1934, when AIWC introduced a bill for equality in marriage, divorce, and property rights, they drew upon the nationalist rights discourse; and after independence in 1947, women were granted constitutional equality. However, the Hindu, Islamic, and other religious communities retained jurisdiction over family law (Desai 2001).
In second phase of women empowerment, grass-roots organizations formed and these focused not only upon gender but also upon caste, class, and culture as roots of women's persecution. The groups in this movement were associated with grass-roots labour, labourer, and tribal movements as well as leftist opposition parties. Among their activities were protests by tribal women in the Toilers' Union in Maharastra against alcohol-related domestic violence and by the Chipko movement of poor women in the Himalayas to protect their forest resources and highlight women's unrecognized economic contributions. The Self Employed Women's Association (SEWA), a union of women working as street vendors and rag-pickers and in home-based industries, established the first women's bank for poor women (Desai 2001).
Women's participation in movements has been in four major forms:
- For social, economic and political rights of specific categories of people like tribal, peasants and industrial workers.
- For improvement in conditions of work and autonomy to women.
- For equal remuneration for work.
- In general social movements on issues affecting men and children like abortions, adoption of children, sexual exploitation.
Sustainable, grassroots development as a precedence of Indian women's movement organizations is demonstrated by the organization Stree Mukti Sangharsh (Women's Liberation Struggle). They envisaged development that promotes equality between men and women and overcomes the economic and environmental consequences of the rural areas precipitated by large multinational corporations whose focus on short-term gains have created unsustainable forms of development (Desai 2001). In the decades 1970s, autonomous, openly feminist women's movements ascended. These groups were annoyed by the dismissals of cases of girls raped by police and by religiously sanctioned violations of women's human rights. Their campaigns refocused on violence against women, dowry deaths (the murder of brides for their dowries), sex-selective abortions, and sati (Kumar 1995).
The success of women's movement organizations has met with an antifeminist repercussion, which calls upon familial, communal, and religious identities to try to push back women's gains (Kumar 1995). Since poverty and insecurity raised the flame of reactionary fears, the feminist tactic of promoting grassroots-based sustainable development is a double-edged one. It addressed both the economic independence of women and the long-term security and well-being of the whole community.
In academic domain, The International Women's Decade, 1975-85, has provided push to the growth of social science literature on women, their status in society and issues related to gender-based discrimination and inequality in particular. Gender studies are always on the priority agenda of the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) and the University Grants Commission (UGC). Several universities have Centres for Women's Studies. A research institute focusing on women, the Centre for Women's Development Studies was established with the support of ICSSR in 1980. There is also a full-fledged academic journal focusing on gender studies. A survey of literature by Malvika Karlekar (2000) on 'Women's Studies and Women's Development', sponsored by ICSSR covers the studies up to 1990. It is a valuable document for further research in the field. By now, we also have a few compilations including an annotated bibliography on women's studies (Vyas and Singh 1993). Social science texts on various aspects of gender has increased significantly during the 1980s and 1990s. Many monographs and essays use the term 'movement' in a broader sense in their titles dealing with women writings, discourse, issues affecting women's position in socio-economic spheres, rather than confining themselves to mobilization and collective action by women.
Except for a few, many of the studies are subjective, impressionistic and polemical for action prescription for action written by feminist activists in journalistic style. For activists involved in feminist movements, feminism is not merely a discourse to be analyzed, but 'a method of bringing about social change'. Some theoretical studies are also available, but it is sensed that they deal mainly with issues raised by western scholars. Even if this is so, this should not disparage the importance of such studies. Western influence affects all spheres of our life.
In the period of globalization, 'women's resistance to male domination' was the product of western education. British, women took the initiative in establishing women's organizations and defining their objectives. Women's liberation movements in India are believed to be mainly influenced by women's movements in the west, which emphasized the 'universality' of gender oppression and therefore 'universal sisterhood' of women. This has been interrogated by many intellectuals. It is contended that feminism as a movement is entrenched in the specific 'national history and culture' (Niranjana 2000).
A few scholar-activists have begun to raise issues relevant to the Indian background. Liddle and Joshi stated that the nature of male dominance is different in India from that in western society, therefore, the demands and resistance of women against males are also different. They argue:
"Ideologically, cultural imperialism has introduced the notion of female inferiority which had no part in Indian culture, where female power and its containment were stressed. Although females were segregated in the upper castes into the domestic sphere, this separation did not imply an inferior evaluation of the domestic, since that arena was crucial to the maintenance of caste purity. The inferiority notion adds a derogatory component to the gender ideology, serving to worsen women's position. It also makes for a degraded position for women abroad when added to the imperialist ideology of Western racial superiority; for, the context of imperialism creates a notion not only of women's inferiority to men, but also of Indian women's inferiority to Western women (Liddle and Joshi 1986)."
Some editors and activist scholars, also emphasized the need to look into Indian traditions and try to separate the devastating aspects from the points of strength within the cultural traditions, and start using the strengths to transform the traditions. Indian cultural traditions have remarkable potential within them to combat reactionary and anti-women ideas. If people can identify their points of strength and use them creatively. Gabriele Dietrich criticized that the use of religion has been ignored by women's movements as an obscurantist hangover. She feels that the women's movement needs to go into the cultural question more profoundly. The effort to give women a new sense of identity beyond family, caste and religion needs to grapple with the problem of cultural identity and continuity. It is reasonably easy to point out what has been oppressive and destructive of women in cultural.
It is a fact that there is a gap. Traditional idioms and symbols are also creatively used to liberate women from subservient positions in the social system. In that context, there is a debate on Gandhi's role during the freedom struggle to bring women into the political domain. Vina Mazurndar (1976), Devaki Jain (1986) and others perceive Gandhi as a great liberator who embraced a revolutionary approach to enhance the status of women. Malavika Karlekar argued that Gandhi developed the 'tradition' of a new feminity. Thus, the Gandhian woman was to use her traditional qualities to build a new positive image of action, resistance and change. The Gandhian method of self-questioning and analysis is now being picked up by the women's movement which denies the universality of incarcerating stereotypes' (1991). Madhu Kishwar contended that while in many ways, Gandhi's views on women and their role in society are not very different from those of the 19th century campaigners, in some other important ways he marked a crucial break from that tradition. The most vital difference is that he did not see women as objects of reform, as helpless creatures deserving charitable concern. Instead, he visualized them as active, self-conscious agents of social change. He is principally concerned with bringing about radical social reconstruction. One of the most lifelong contributions of Gandhi to the women's cause was that he gave it moral legitimacy. He helped to create a tradition and socio-political atmosphere in which even today; hardly anyone will publicly stand up and explicitly oppose women's fundamental rights or will deny them participation in politics. Gandhi's action, in bringing women self-respect in social life, in breaking down some of the prejudices against their participation in social and political life, in promoting an atmosphere of sympathetic awareness of their issues, goes far beyond his own views and pronouncements of women's role and place in society (1985).
Traditions and symbols are also competently used by the champions of status quo to mobilize women in the public area. Culture and traditions are conceptualized in a way to reinforce the women's position submissive to the male. Community rights based on traditional religious codes are emphasized over citizens' rights. Women are organized and mobilized to defend and disseminate traditional institutions with patriarchal authoritarian structures and value systems. Hindu women organizations supporting Hindutva ideology demand a Common Civil Code which has in practice a Hindu bias. The Mahila Morcha of BJP observed, 'We conceptually differ from what is termed as the women's liberation movement in the West.' We require a sort of readjustment in the social and economic setup. No fundamental change in values is desirable.
Women in India do not have comfortable place within the household, and the society. That has only to be re-established and reaffirmed (Kapur and Cossman 1995). For the champions of this position, tradition and values are derived from Brahminical scriptures rather than custom and usage. This is being done for the elimination of political opponents and the establishment of saffron power (Kapadia 2002).
It was documented in reports that The Sangh Parivar protected the sati system and formed the Rani Sati Sarva Sangha which canvassed and mobilized women for the celebration of sati. They stolen a slogan used by women's liberation movements: 'Hum Bharat ki nari hain, phool nahi, chingari hain' (We, the women of India, are not flowers but fiery sparks) (Akerkar 1995). Some of the leaders (both male and female) of the Parivar motivated their women members to be rebellious and challenge male supremacy. Amrita Basu observed that the message these leaders convey 'is that women can assume activist roles without violating the norms of Hindu womanhood or ceasing to be dutiful wives and mothers. The support of prominent men in religious and political life not only legitimates their roles but also bridges the rift between good citizens and devoted wives and mothers' (1999).
The riots dealt a severe shock to the principle that women have a separate existence away from their communal identity where people can debate problems of rape, divorce and maintenance on common platform. The women's movement does not stand in isolation and is an integral part of other social movements (Agnes 1994). Some reports by women's groups on communal riots during the post-demolition of disputed structure of Ayodhya period in 1992-93 in Ahmedabad, Surat and Bhopal also observes, 'Even the most committed work among vulnerable sections of women is not capable of enabling such women to liberate themselves from the pressures of divisive identity politics, without a conscious direction to confront this type of politics which is so inimical to women's rights and the movement for equality (Agnihotri and Mazumdar 1995).?
There is no repudiating that it does empower a specific and socially crucial group of middle class women, if not in absolute feminist direction then definitely in a relative sense. It helps previously homebound women to retrieve public spaces, to acquire a public identity, it confers upon them a political role and even leadership. It teaches the woman not to regard herself as merely feminine but as full-fledged citizen. It gives her access to serious intellectual cognition. It prepares the woman to be a citizen of an authoritarian Hindu rashtra, to crash secular, democratic politics (Sarkar 1991).
It is argued, Gender does not have an emancipatory potential that is 'natural' or 'innate'. Gender power grows from a sense of solidarity to being a force for itself only through intervention, contestation, and an exercise of and struggle over choices. Certainly, a feminist consciousness does not snuggle within a woman, ready to attain progressive self-realisation within a congenial environment, but is acquired through bitter conflicts and problems of choices within herself most of all (Sarkar and Butalia 1995).
Many scholars categorize women's movements according to their theoretical perspective. Neera Desai observed that 'the women's movement is the organized effort to achieve a common goal of equality and liberation of women and it presupposes sensitivities to crucial issues affecting the life of women. For a concerted action to move towards the objective, there has to be some unifying ideological thread for various units' (1988). On the basis of the ideological paradigm, Gail Omvedt (1978) organized women's movements into two types:
- Women's equality movements
- Women's liberation movements
First category may not directly challenge the existing economic or political or family structure, but rather aim at accomplishing an equal place for women in it, and at abolishing the most open remnants of feudal patriarchy, whereas the women's liberation movements directly challenge the sexual division of labour itself.
Kalpana Shah divides the women's movements into three categories on the basis of their approach towards elucidating women's unequal positions in the modern society and ways to liberate them from subjugation. They are:
- Moderate or Women's Rights Position
- Radical Feminism
- Socialist Feminism (1984)
Sangari and Vaid make a distinction of women's movements into two theoretical categories:
- Modernizing of patriarchal modes of regulating women.
- Democratizing of gender relations both at home and the work place.
These theorists stated that 'movements by working class and peasant women have a greater potential for democratizing patriarchal power relations than the modernizing movements' (1989).
In general, Women's movements in India are divided into periods (Kumar 1993). They are:
- Social reform movements during the freedom movement.
- The movements from 1947 till 1975.
- The movements emerging during and after the International Women's Decade.
Gail Omvedt also explained four kinds of movements related to women which can be called as women's movement and also distinguishes between them.
1) Movements where women participate: In these movements, men and women together fight some form of oppression. But the oppression due to sexual differentiation is not the focus of these movements. So Omvedt does not call such type of movements as women's movements.
2) Movements of women: There may be movements on general issues (slum improvement, price rise) where women are the only participants. But sole participation of women itself does not make them women's movements. In fact such movements may confirm the gender division of labour where men fight for wage rise and women fight against price rise, without challenging the male-dominated family and social structure.
According to Omvedt, these movements has a progressive role as they give women participants a chance to experience their own collective strength.
3) Women's reform movements: Reform movements include the series of movements on education for women, for abolition of Sati that took place in the pre-independence India. Although these issues were concerned with women, Omvedt refuses to call them women's movements because these movements did not challenge the fundamental structure of oppression in family and society.
4) Women's liberation movements: These are channelled by an ideology of fighting the sexual division of labour and patriarchy. They also act against the specific issue of women's oppression and move in the direction of liberation. Omvedt called these movements, as women's movements.
Women's movements do not see women's issues as subordinate to the social goals, but keep them in focus in relation to other social goals. As Agnes (1994) stated that the women's movement in India does not stand in isolation and it is an integral part of other social movements. the women's movement in India can be deliberated in terms of its two phases, the social reform phase; and freedom movement phase.
There is a discrepancy between pre-independence and post-Independence women's movements in India. The pre-independence movements were fundamentally about social reforms and initiated by men. Comparatively, the post-independence movement demanded gender equality, questioned gender-based division of labour and highlighted the oppressive nature of the existing patriarchal structure.
When evaluating the women initiatives in other countries, it is demonstrated that in the euphoria of post-independence, it was believed that women's status would radically improve along with other marginalized groups because they were now the masters of their destiny. However, when this was not achieved, there was an increase of various movements which raised a number of issues around diverse subjects such as land rights, wages, security of employment, equality. Some of the issues on which women got together were work, population policies, atrocities on women, including rape and liquor.
A number of administrative bodies were established for the creation of opportunities for women. Many women were inducted into the government. In the two decades that followed, 1950s and 1960s, there was a lull in the activities of feminists and in the women's movements in India. Women, however, started realizing that the constitutional promise of equality did not by itself resolve the equality questions, especially in a country as diverse as India, which comprises different religions and cultures.
The challenge of addressing inequality issue of women still exist. Women's organizations and feminists were unable to tackle the problems of women belonging to different religious groups. By the time, the feminist movement stepped into the 1970s, minority identities had begun to harden. This divisive environment affected Muslim women. Religious fundamentalists tried to place the responsibility of preserving religio-cultural identity on women. This identity condition, with women in the centre, diverted attention away from Muslim women's grim realities and the deviations from the actual Islamic position. Having been a secular movement, the women's movement found itself facing major challenge that it did not know how to handle. On the conceptual level, Indian Feminists were in a quandary: how to assimilate Muslim women's issues into broader feminist issues and, at the same time, defend their religious and cultural identity. This has been most obvious in the case of Muslim Personal Law. Placing Muslim women's issues within the confines of religion has further marginalized them, and created uncertainty among the secular feminists in addressing their problems for fear of hurting religious sentiments. The 1970s also witnessed the split of the Indian Left Front. This led to a number of doubts regarding their earlier analysis of revolution. New Leftist movements and ideas emerged. A few streams of feminist movements also developed, such as the Shahada movement, which was a Bhil tribal landless labourer's movement against the exploitation of the tribal landless labourers by non-tribal landowners. It began as a folk protest, and became militant with the involvement of the New Left party.
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